Wednesday, November 14, 2018

Globalization - The Third Great Disequilibrium



One may look at human history through many different lenses.  There is a lens for the evolution of human myth and religion, one for human discovery and invention, one for art, literature and philosophy, a few for political and social transformations, and endless lenses for wars and conquest.

I am interested in viewing the world through a lens of disequilibrium –  a look at the periods of history where the world has been cast into paroxysms of chaos and uncertainty with cataclysmic results.  There are, of course, many cataclysmic and tragic events in history, so finding specific, causative points or periods of disequilibrium may seem like a fool’s errand.  And history is ultimately a continuum, so any effort to identify and separate historical trends and epochs is doomed to eye-rolling dismissal on one level.  However, it can be illuminating to look at events from different perspectives, so I will forge ahead with my own hypothesis of disequilibrium!

I do not classify run-of-the-mile empire building and conquest as disequilibrium, because the history of the world up until modern times has suffered a continuous stream of such events.  If one were only to measure death and destruction, then these empires and conquest would certainly be the focus.  But my objective is to understand other critical factors in the way that the world has evolved and I believe that some insight may be obtained by looking at the following periods of disequilibrium.

I propose that the first major period of global disequilibrium was the result of the collision of myths and religions.  Civilizations developed their myths and religions over many centuries starting at the very dawn of humankind, and the migration, proliferation and evangelism associated with individual religions is an interesting topic unto itself.  But the disequilibrium associated with the clash of these religions and myths mostly plays out over the several centuries from the crusades, through the spread of the Ottoman empire, through the voyages of discovery and periods of Christian and Muslim conquest, and ends with the reformation, the inquisition, the pogroms and the long European wars that resulted.

The chaos, conquests and carnage associated with the collision of myths and religions were a result of a rather unholy alliance of religious fervor and hunger for power and dominion. The conquistadors may have found part of their inspiration to conquer and plunder in their Christian beliefs, but it is likely that piety was more of a justification than a driving force, and that their lust for gold and other more worldly treasures was often the motivation.

The tally of death and destruction due to this disequilibrium is beyond measurement.  The brutal slaughter in the Holy Lands; the depopulation through both disease and murder of much of the Americas; the spread of slavery (due to both Muslim and Christian efforts); the savage colonial empires inflicted upon less technologically advanced peoples; the wholesale carnage of the Thirty Years War in Europe after the reformation which exacted a toll of up to 1/4 of the population; and many other religious or quasi-religious conflicts paint a portrait that is ironically the clear antithesis to the basic tenets of the religions and myths that authored it. 

These conflicts continue to haunt the earth and its peoples through periodic confrontations, but other disequilibriums have become more dominant and, in the case of globalization, incorporate religious conflict as part of their chaotic effect.

The second disequilibrium period is that of industrialization, which in my interpretation begins with the enlightenment and the age of scientific awakening, goes through the industrial revolution and the associated conflict between capitalism and Marxism and between religion and humanism, climaxes in the two world wars, and then ends with the cold war.

The seeds of the great conflagrations of the twentieth century were sown in the two hundred years preceding.  The opening of the human mind to science and to intellectual progress in non-religious directions, combined with the timeless and bottomless appetite that humans have for material wealth and power, led to dramatic changes in political, economic and social arrangements and consciousness, and ultimately to a rising tension between haves and have nots, between capitalists and workers, between the religious and the atheists, between aristocrats and the common people, between the lovers and the haters .  These tensions spawned the multiple political eruptions of nationalism, socialism, anarchism, fascism and populism that dictated relationships both within and between nations.

One of the most liberating, but also disorienting aspects of the age of industrialization was the scientific evidence – astronomical, geological, biological/evolutionary, psychological – that cast doubt upon the myths and religion that had dominated both personal and social behaviors since the dawn of humans.  Humanism and Darwinism were quickly interwoven into the dynamic forces of the various economic and political movements that swept the globe from the mid-nineteenth century up through the cold war.

The end of the cold war and the disintegration of the Soviet Union brought about the acceleration of what we now term ‘globalization’.  This is the third great disequilibrium.  Globalization takes on myriad forms, but it is generally characterized by an increasing interaction between states, cultures, religions, ethnic groups and economies.

The economic impact of globalization began in the 1980s as industrial nations began to utilize cheaper labor markets in developing nations.  This had the triple impact of increasing middle class opportunities in these developing nations, decreasing the price of many goods, as well as increasing profits for the international companies that outsourced the labor.  But lurking behind the euphoria of this classic capitalist strategy was the loss of middle class jobs to the industrial nations and the malaise that eventually resulted from steadily increasing wages for the elitist classes and stagnating wages for the middle classes or lower classes.

The second economic impact of globalization was the opportunity for developing nations such as China to take advantage of free trade and their own cheap labor pools to compete (sometimes with dubious tactics such as state-supported price cutting and the theft of intellectual property) successfully with their own manufactured goods in the global markets.  This upended the decades long dominance of Europe, the U.S. and Japan in world trade.

In theory, free trade should allow all nations to benefit in the long run with optimized production and pricing worldwide.  Additionally, free trade should allow developing nations to modernize and join the world economic force as a somewhat equal partner with the benefit of growing middle class populations.  But transitions are always difficult.

The second disrupting aspect of globalization is the relatively free and large flow of immigrants and refugees across borders and the growing diversity in formerly homogeneous populations.  This mixing of cultures, ethnic groups and religions is occurring at both the lower and upper ends of the social spectrum, though more heavily and dramatically at the lower end because of the economic and political crises across the globe.

The third dramatic impact of globalization is the international rise of women in social, educational, political and economic importance.  This trend emerged during the industrialization period, but is now sweeping across the world because of globalization and colliding against traditional cultural views of a woman’s place in society. 

Another major trend is the change in views on gender and sexuality.  Industrial nations have dramatically liberalized in their acceptance of homosexuality, abortion, family planning, gender variations and increased sexual activity.  The globalization of this trend is not assured, and it is a significant point of disequilibrium.

The last attribute of globalization that I will describe is the slow movement toward an international community that attempts to solve world problems and ease the transition to a more global society.  The U.N., multiple economic groups and forums, aid groups, special organizations for prosecuting war crimes, conventions to address climate change and joint peacekeeping operations are all examples of this aspect of globalization.  International efforts to ease economic hardship and famine, to apply pressure to countries to eliminate graft and corruption, to adopt joint agreements to combat climate change and promote free trade are all part of this somewhat awkward and often bureaucratic quest to create a global community.

These characteristics of globalization have created dramatic upheaval in many countries in the form of economic distress, as well as a multitude of reactionary ills – xenophobia, homophobia, misogyny, populism, nationalism and authoritarianism.  Industrial nations are not willing to cede their dominance or their independence, and accuse this world community of incompetence, bureaucracy and the cynical promotion of special interests.  Developing nations accuse the industrial powers of greedily clinging to their power and economic status and maintaining a colonial attitude to the rest of the world.

There is a growing concern that the formerly assumed triumphant progress of liberal democracy across the globe is now in serious jeopardy and that reactionary forces with authoritarian and nationalistic leaders such as one sees in the U.S. with Trump, in Poland, Hungary, Italy, Turkey, Brazil, the Philippines and other nations, are rapidly creating a dark counter flow propelled by fear and uncertainty.

As the final point of my analysis, I note that periods of disequilibrium are growing shorter and more dramatic in an exponential manner.  This is not surprising, as the pace of change in our world has been accelerating in a continuous, disquieting manner.  The first two periods of disequilibrium I described each had, slowly but surely, a positive, increasingly harmonious impact on our world, an encouraging sign of our ability to adapt to and embrace change.   Even at the dawn of the new millennium we had some reason to be optimistic about our future, as the new disequilibrium of globalization seemed to be manageable and appeared to be on a trajectory that would ultimately lead to a more just and equitable world.

But things have gone awry since that time.  It is certainly not clear how the current disequilibrium of globalization, which has emerged and had dramatic consequences in three short decades, will conclude.  It has the potential to unify the world in a common goal of peace, prosperity, harmony and cooperation.  However, it is not at all clear that it will achieve this lofty goal.  The changes may simply be too rapid for our human institutions to accommodate.  And if we are unable to stabilize our beautiful little planet in the next ten or twenty years, then the fourth disequilibrium, whatever it may be (climate collapse, automation and artificial intelligence, who can say?) may come upon us so quickly and mercilessly as to completely outrun our human ability to adapt.


Saturday, November 10, 2018

An Open Letter to My Conservative Friends


The increasingly rancorous interactions between conservatives and liberals cry out for some sort of mediation or reconciliation, but I wonder if it is still feasible to find middle ground.  Have things gone so far that empathy and compromise are impossible?

I know that my conservative friends are not bad people.  I know that on a personal, one-on-one level they are good people with compassion and basic values that are very similar to mine.  So why do they come to such radically different conclusions about public policy than the ones that I reach?

One aspect of the current polarization that I find difficult to move past is the Faustian bargain many conservatives have made in embracing Donald Trump.  I understand that they were frustrated and yearning for a strong voice, and that they see Trump as a game-changer for the conservative cause.  But the man is a dangerous demagogue who has character traits that seem to me to be the exact opposite of the morality and integrity that conservatives have long celebrated.  His lack of humility, incivility and reckless rhetoric can only further divide this nation.  I know that many of my conservative friends see him as a means to an end rather than a sterling example for humanity, but this is a very dangerous game they are playing and there are potentially tragic consequences at stake.

The rhetoric on both sides has become so vitriolic that it makes sensible discussion very challenging.  The right (most notably Trump) has villainized the immigrant with images of gangs and crime to make its case for stronger borders and deportation of undocumented workers.  The left has portrayed the right as hateful xenophobes who have no compassion or conscience.  Not long ago there were bi-partisan efforts to craft a reasonable immigration policy but we are now so polarized that any compromise seems a distant dream.  

But are we really so far apart on this issue?  Liberals understand that there must be some control of immigration and I believe conservatives can understand and sympathize with the desperation and fear that propels immigrants to our country.  Can we not jettison the divisive rhetoric and sit down and find a reasonable path forward?  Does it make sense for us to demonize the other side (or the immigrants) to make our argument? 

Abortion, gay marriage and other hot button religious issues are also blown out of proportion.  Pro choice proponents are not eager to see abortions occur.  On the contrary, they want to see less abortions through an increased availability of contraceptives, family planning and sex education.  I am sure that most conservatives realize that going back to the old days of coat hanger, backroom abortions is not a viable option.  The abortion rate has been decreasing steadily over the last thirty years and is only slightly higher than the rate before Roe vs. Wade!  There is certainly an opportunity to work together to minimize abortions without creating draconian legal consequences.

Gay marriage and transsexual rights are difficult concepts for conservatives to accept, but there is now a large body of scientific evidence that sexuality and gender identification are not binary but rather a continuum, and that these behaviors or preferences are innate and not ‘choices’.  Liberals should be empathetic with conservatives who struggle to accept these cultural changes, as they do conflict with sincere religious beliefs, but I believe this is an area where the younger generation, regardless of political or religious orientation, has already accepted these facts en masse and will lead the way forward.

Gun control is a very difficult issue for me to find common ground with conservatives.  I doubt that we will truly reduce the epidemic of gun violence in this country until we have rigorous licensing and control of guns, something that appears to be anathema and a non-starter for many conservatives, even when hunting rights are assured.  The evidence from other developed countries where such rigid controls effectively eliminate gun violence do not seem to have any effect on conservative thought.  The only way forward I would recommend is a truly bi-partisan study of gun violence in this country, but any attempts to do such a study have been blocked by mcongress.  On this topic it is difficult to find any reason for optimism, but perhaps some very timid beginnings will be possible with the new congress.

The climate change issue is also one that deserves a less adversarial approach.  It appears that many conservatives now accept the scientific evidence for human-caused climate change.  But they are understandably concerned with the negative effect that any actions to address the problem might have on our economy and they are suspicious of treaties or commitments that would hamstring our country in comparison to others.  Wouldn’t it make sense to have a bi-partisan group of legislators, scientists and economists work together to craft policy on this hugely important crisis? 

Economic, tax and entitlement issues, including healthcare, will continue to defy consensus.  Any three economists will come up with three different analyses.  And when politicians enter the fray careful analysis is no longer possible.  Both liberals and conservatives understand the basic concept that bureaucracy should be minimized and that economic freedom is to be highly prized.   But any reasonable person can also see that in a complex, integrated, global society some level of government involvement is necessary to prevent injustice and to create a more equitable society.  Add to that the thirty-year-long growth of wage disparity and the looming crisis of automation and the disappearance of middle class jobs and you have a situation that clearly demands bi-partisan action. 

I do not believe that conservatives are greedy, lack compassion or are insensitive to economic hardship or disparity.  But neither are liberals conniving socialists who want to steal a wealthy man’s hard-earned riches to give to the idle poor.  These are stereotypes that are useful for whipping up partisan outrage but they serve to harden our biases and make reasonable compromise ever more difficult.  

Social and economic engineering are complex and uncertain, but we have no choice if we are to avoid the potential devastating effects of the social, scientific and economic issues that confront us.  It is time to stop the puerile name calling and the perpetuation of stereotypes and vapid generalizations.  The hard work of governing demands that we abandon our partisan antics and roll up our sleeves to work together.  We owe it to our children.